Ruben Dario (English)

Biography Ruben Dario


In Spanish, there is poetry before and after Rubén Darío. The Nicaraguan (1867-1916) was the first major poet in the language since the seventeenth century, the end of the Golden Age whose masters included Garcilaso, Saint John of the Cross, Fray Luis, Góngora, Quevedo and Sor Juana. And despite an abundance of great poets in the twentieth century on both sides of the Atlantic--García Lorca, Alberti, Salinas, Cernuda, Neruda, Vallejo, Paz, Palés Matos, Lezama Lima, to name a few--his stature remains unequaled. The poetic revolution led by Darío spread across the Spanish-speaking world and extended to all of literature, not just poetry. He ushered Spanish-language poetry into the modern era by incorporating the aesthetic ideals and modern anxieties of Parnassianism and Symbolism, as Garcilaso had infused Castilian verse with Italianate forms and spirit in the sixteenth century, transforming it forever. Darío and Garcilaso led the two most profound poetic revolutions in Spanish, yet neither is known abroad, except by Hispanists. They have not traveled well, particularly in English-speaking countries, where they are all but unknown.
Darío's case is the most baffling because he is nearly our contemporary, whereas Garcilaso, who lived from 1501 to 1536, can today be safely left on library shelves along with Petrarch, Ronsard and Spenser. Besides, Garcilaso has by now been so thoroughly assimilated into Spanish poetic discourse that it is easy to overlook his presence in the poetry of Neruda and Paz. Darío's innovations, style and even manner are still contemporary, however, as are the polemics that his poetry provoked among other poets, professors and critics. What is more, his influence penetrated all levels of Latin American and Spanish society, where his voice is still audible in the lyrics of popular love songs; the artistic movement that he founded, Modernismo, had a tremendous impact on everything from ornaments to interior design, from furniture to fashion. Darío, more than a Nicaraguan poet or a Latin American poet, was a poet of the Spanish language--and its first literary celebrity, embraced throughout Latin America and Spain as the most original and modern of poetic voices.

Darío published his first major collection of poems, Azul..., in 1888. He was 21 and living in Valparaíso, Chile, where he had moved two years earlier in search of a broader horizon than that offered by Central America. Azul..., a slender book of 134 pages, was to become a turning point in Spanish-language literature, not only for poetry but for prose. Its success is proof of the serendipity at work in literary history. Here was a privately printed book of poetry, written by a virtual unknown, published in a port city that was vibrant and cultured but far from the centers of literary activity in Latin America and Spain: Mexico City, Buenos Aires, Madrid and... Paris. As Walter Benjamin famously said, Paris was the capital of the nineteenth century, and this was no less true for the poets, intellectuals, diplomats and exiles of Latin America's fragmented world, which had great cities but no natural center, as New York was for the United States or Paris itself for the French. True, the first anthology of Latin American poetry, América poética, was published in Valparaíso by the Argentine Juan María Gutiérrez in 1846, but the Chilean port was no Paris--it wasn't even Madrid.

The initial reactions to Darío were hostile. The great thinker and poet Miguel de Unamuno first said that a feather stuck out from under Darío's hat, a derogatory reference to his Indian background, while Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo--the most influential critic and scholar ever in Spanish--stopped his history of Latin American poetry (the first written) in the 1880s, exactly at the point when Darío and Modernismo began to make their mark. A Francophobe, Menéndez y Pelayo frowned upon Darío's love of French poetry and culture. Fortunately, Darío had the audacity to send Azul... to the powerful Spanish critic Juan Valera. Valera wielded his considerable influence as an author, critic and member of the Royal Spanish Academy of the Language to launch the young poet's career with two "letters" about the book, which were printed as prologue in later editions of Azul.... Brilliant and probing, Valera's letters touch upon everything that is relevant about Azul..., and all subsequent commentary on Darío's work is, in some way, a gloss of them. Though also critical of Darío's adoption of French ways, Valera recognized his genius and predicted a bright future for the Nicaraguan--a priceless endorsement by an established personality in the world of Spanish letters.

Another factor that contributed to Darío's sudden celebrity and his itinerant career as ambassador of the new poetry all over the Spanish-speaking world was a new feature of modern life that his poetry reflected: communications. Steam navigation, the transatlantic cable and the proliferation of newspapers--some of them, like Chile's El Mercurio, of the highest quality and influence--disseminated literature with a speed never seen before. And it brought together writers from all corners of the Hispanic world with an ease that was also unprecedented. All of them could meet in Paris and become conscious of belonging to a continental literature that transcended individual countries because of the more capacious and swifter ships propelled by steam and by the increased commerce among Latin American nations and between those nations and the rest of the world. Darío's travels and the circulation of his books owed a great deal to these developments, as did his immersion in French literature, something he shared with Latin American artists and intellectuals then and now. Azul... was published in a small place, but it appeared at a moment when the world was becoming smaller.
Rubén Darío was born in the Nicaraguan town of Metapa, now Ciudad Darío. His parents named him Félix Rubén García Sarmiento, and, as he himself boldly admitted, Indian and African blood coursed through his veins. (He later changed his name to the briefer, euphonious Rubén Darío, incorporating a patronymic that his father's family had used; it also has, of course, classical connotations.) 

Raised in the politically and intellectually active city of León, he acquired there a vast and deep cultural education during childhood and adolescence. He also became thoroughly familiar with contemporary French poets both great and minor. In the process he learned enough French to write passably good poems in it. As for his knowledge of Spanish poetry, it was that of a prodigy, a Mozart of poetry. Tomás Navarro Tomás, the most accomplished expert on Spanish versification in modern times, offered the following statistic after having surveyed the corpus of Darío's poetry: He used thirty-seven different metrical lines and 136 different stanza forms! Some of the metrical and rhyme schemes were of his own invention.

The possibility of becoming so well read in the periphery of the Spanish-speaking world is due to the uniformity of language and culture imposed on their empire by the Catholic monarchs and their successors as well as by advances in commerce and communications. The Spanish empire, organized as a vast bureaucracy, favored writing and learning to promote and conserve cultural and religious orthodoxy. While the cost was high, the benefits were also considerable, one being that a subject could feel connected through writing to the centers of power and learning, both to the viceroyalties in Mexico and Peru, and to Spain itself. Communications and trade resulting from interest in the region by the modern European imperial powers brought to Latin American ports the latest goods, including books, without the restrictions imposed before independence. Darío began to write and publish verse by the age of 12, but his career took off when he moved down the Pacific coast to Chile, a thriving country with a lively artistic and intellectual elite that immediately recognized and rewarded his talents.

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Los motivos del lobo por Ruben Dario

LOS MOTIVOS DEL LOBO


El varón que tiene corazón de lis,alma de querube, lengua celestial,el mínimo y dulce Francisco de Asís,está con un rudo y torvo animal,bestia temerosa, de sangre y de robo,las fauces de furia, los ojos de mal:¡el lobo de Gubbia, el terrible lobo!Rabioso, ha asolado los alrededores;cruel, ha deshecho todos los rebaños;devoró corderos, devoró pastores,y son incontables sus muertos y daños.Fuertes cazadores armados de hierrosfueron destrozados. 

Los duros colmillos dieron cuenta de los más bravos perros,como de cabritos y de corderillos.Francisco salió:al lobo buscóen su madriguera.Cerca de la cueva encontró a la fieraenorme, que al verle se lanzó ferozcontra él. Francisco, con su dulce voz,alzando la mano,al lobo furioso dijo: "¡Paz, hermanolobo!" 

El animalcontempló al varón de tosco sayal;dejó su aire arisco,cerró las abiertas fauces agresivas,y dijo: "!Está bien, hermano Francisco!""¡Cómo! exclamó el santo. ¿Es ley que tú vivasde horror y de muerte?¿La sangare que viertetu hocico diabólico, el duelo y espantoque esparces, el llantode los campesinos, el grito, el dolorde tanta criatura de Nuestro Señor,no han de contener tu encono infernal?¿Vienes del infierno?¿Te ha infundido acaso su rencor eternoLuzbel o Belial?"Y el gran lobo, humilde: "¡Es duro el invierno,y es horrible el hambre! 

En el bosque heladono hallé qué comer; y busqué el ganado,y en veces comí ganado y pastor.¿La sangre? Yo vi más de un cazadorsobre su caballo, llevando el azoral puño; o correr tras el jabalí,el oso o el ciervo; y a más de uno vimancharse de sangre, herir, torturar,de las roncas trompas al sordo clamor,a los animales de Nuestro Señor.¡Y no era por hambre, que iban a cazar!"Francisco responde: "En el hombre existemala levadura.Cuando nace, viene con pecado. 

Es triste.Mas el alma simple de la bestia es pura.Tú vas a tenerdesde hoy qué comer.Dejarás en pazrebaños y gente en este país.¡Que Dios melifique tu ser montaraz!""Esta bien, hermano Francisco de AsIs.""Ante el Señor, que toda ata y desata,en fe de promesa tiéndeme la pata."El lobo tendió la pata al hermanode Asís, que a su vez le alargó la mano.Fueron a la aldea. La gente veíay lo que miraba casi no creía.Tras el religioso iba el lobo fiero,y, bajo la testa, quieto le seguíacomo un can de casa, o como un cordero.Francisco llamó la gente a la plazay allí predicó.Y dijo: "He aquí una amable caza.

El hermano lobo se viene conmigo;me juró no ser ya vuestro enemigo,y no repetir su ataque sangriente.Vosotros, en cambio, daréis su alimentoa la pobre bestia de Dios." "¡Así sea!",Contestó la gente toda de la aldea.Y luego, en señalde contentamiento,movió la testa y cola el buen animal,y entró con Francisco de Asís al convento.Algún tiempo estuvo el lobo tranquiloen el santo asilo.Sus bastas orejas los salmos oíany los claros ojos se le humedecían.Aprendió mil gracias y hacía mil juegoscuando a la cocina iba con los legos.Y cuando Francisco su oración hacía,el lobo las pobres sandalias lamía.Salía a la calle,iba por el monte, descendía al valle,entraba a las casas y le daban algode comer. Mirábanle como a un manso galgo.

Un día, Francisco se ausentó. Y el lobodulce, el lobo manso y bueno, el lobo probo,desapareció, tornó a la montaña,y recomenzaron su aullido y su saña.Otra vez sintióse el temor, la alarma,entre los vecinos y entre los pastores;colmaba el espanto en los alrededores,de nada servían el valor y el arma,pues la bestia fierano dió treguas a su furor jamás,como si estuvierafuegos de Moloch y de Satanás.Cuando volvió al pueblo el divino santo,todos los buscaron con quejas y llanto,y con mil querellas dieron testimoniode lo que sufrían y perdían tantopor aquel infame lobo del demonio.Francisco de Asís se puso severo.Se fué a la montañaa buscar al falso lobo carnicero.Y junto a su cueva halló a la alimaña."En nombre del Padre del sacro universo,conjúrote dijo, ¡oh lobo perverso!,a que me respondas: ¿Por qué has vuelto al mal?Contesta. 

Te escucho."Como en sorda lucha, habló el animal,la boca espumosa y el ojo fatal:"Hermano Francisco, no te acerques mucho...Yo estaba tranquilo allá en el convento;al pueblo salía, y si algo me daban estaba contentoy manso comía.Mas empecé a ver que en todas las casasestaban la Envidia, la Saña, la Ira,y en todos los rostros ardían las brasasde odio, de lujuria, de infamia y mentira.Hermanos a hermanos hacían la guerra,perdían los débiles, ganaban los malos,hembra y macho eran como perro y perra,y un buen día todos me dieron de palos.

Me vieron humilde, lamía las manosy los pies. Seguía tus sagradas leyes,todas las criaturas eran mis hermanos:los hermanos hombres, los hermanos bueyes,hermanas estrellas y hermanos gusanos.Y así, me apalearon y me echaron fuera.Y su risa fué como un agua hirviente,y entre mis entrañas revivió la fiera,y me sentí lobo malo de repente;mas siempre mejor que esa mala gente.Y recomencé a luchar aquí,a me defender y a me alimentar.

Como el oso hace, como el jabalí,que para vivir tienen que matar.Déjame en el monte, déjame en el risco,déjame existir en mi libertad,vete a tu convento, hermano Francisco,sigue tu camino y tu santidad."El santo de Asís no le dijo nada.Le miró con una profunda mirada,y partió con lágrimas y con desconsuelos,y habló al Dios eterno con su corazón.El viento del bosque llevó su oración,que era: "Padre nuestro, que estás en los cielos..."


Obtenida de http://www.los-poetas.com/a/dario1.htm#ALLA%20LEJOS

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Ruben Dario

Rubén Darío. (1867 -1916 )


Eran días de Diciembre de 1866. Una carreta había salido de León, con dos mujeres, Josefa Sarmiento y su joven sobrina Rosa Sarmiento de García Darío. La tía era en viaje para motivos de comercio, mientras la sobrina esperaba el nacimiento de su primer hijo. Aires de Navidad harían frio a los caminos, y Rosa, muy pensativa, soñaba con Belén, el pueblecito donde nacío el Mesías. Rosa había dejado la gran ciudad, León, iba a esperar a su propio niño en otro pueblo pintoresco: Metapa. Que paz, como la paz de que habla el Evangelio como señal del nacimiento divino. ¿Qué clase de niño era que iba a nacer en días pascuales? Felíx Rubén Garcia-Sarmiento conocido como Rubén Darío, nacío el 18 de enero en Metapa, Nicaragua pero su familia se mudó a León un mes después de su nacimiento. 

A la edad de doce años Rubén Darío publico sus primos poemas "La Fé", "Una Lagrima" y "El Desengaño". En 1882 cuando Rubén tenía solamente quince años se presento antes del Presidente Joaquin Zavala. Preguntó al Presidente si el pudiera ir a estudiar en Europa. Pero Darío le preguntó este después de haberle presentado un poema muy en contra de su patria y la religión de su patria. Después de haber oido este poema el Presidente le dío; una respuesta muy única a Rubén Darío. Le dijo, " Hijo mío, si asi escribes ahora contra la religión de tus padres y de tu patria, que será si te vas a Europa a aprender cosas peores?". Y por esto Darío no fue a Europa. 

Después se casó con Rosario Murillo, y se mudaron a El Salvador donde encontré a Francisco Gavidia. Gavidia le presentó la poesia Castileña.En 1883, volvio a Nicaragua. Rubén Darío tení muchos trabajos en su vida, pero una cosa que puede ser probablemente la más importante es que Darío es considerado el padre del modernismo.El modernismo es un movimiento muy importante en la historia de la literatura española. El Modernismo fue hecho por el symbolismo de los franceses y la escuela parnasiana. Pero mucho más viene de los franceses porque el modernismo es muy espotáneo, pero mucho del modernismo viene de los classicos españoles también.Rubén Darío participó con, o fue el líder de, muchos movimientos literarios en Chile, España, Argentina, y Nicaragua. 

El movimiento modernista era una recopilación de tres movimientos de Europa: romanticismo, símbolismo, y el parnasianismo. Estas ideas expresan pasión, arte visual, y armonías y ritmos como música. Darío fue un genio de este movimiento. Su estilo es exótico y muy colorado. Sus poemas especialmente contienen todos estos sentimientos. En su poema "Canción de Otoño en Primavera." hay mucha evidencia de pasión y emociones fuertes. Pronto muchos literarios comenzaron a usar su estilo en una forma muy elgante, y cuidadosa, usando su estilo y sus palabras para hacer musíca con la poesía. Su talento fue reconocido y por eso empezó a escribir más y mejor. Luego, viajó a España donde sucumbió a mucha influencia de Europa,una influencia muy liberal. 

Sus ideas nuevas fueron reflejadas en su poesía de romanticismo y amor. En 1888 publicó la primera recopilación de sus poemas que se llama Epístolas y poemas (1885) y despues vino Azul que es recordado por su "símbolismo y sus imágenes exóticas"(Microsoft Encarta). Otras obras famosas de Rubén Darío son Prosas Profanas y Otros Poemas (1892), Los raros (1896), y Cantos de Vida y Esperanza(1905). Probablemente, el poema más famoso de Rubén Darío es "Canción de Otoño en Primavera." Sus sentimientos son expresados en toda su literatura. Rubén Darío es considerado ser el poeta más importante que escribío en español afuera de la España y es fácilmente unos de los personajesmás reverenciados en Nicaragua.

Fuente : https://html.rincondelvago.com/ruben-dario_5.html

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About Sor Juana (English)

About Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz



1. Introduction
The seventeenth-century poet Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz may not for many of you be the most well-known writer on the Introduction to Hispanic Texts course, and perhaps only a few of you will have thought of choosing her as as a writer to work on in supervisions. So, in this lecture, I hope to show you:
· why I think her work is well worth studying in depth
· something of the uniqueness of her poetry
· the relevance of her thinking today, particularly the appropriation of her work that has been made for modern feminism.

The title I have given this lecture is DIFFERENCE and INDIFFERENCE. Some of the initial ideas I'd like to gather around these two poles are:
DIFFERENCE in the sense of - sexual difference (she forces us to change the way in which we read the cannon of male writers) - linguistic difference (her work is not, as some have claimed, a mere copy of contemporary Spanish styles) - socio-cultural difference (her work is not reducible to European literature and themes)
INDIFFERENCE in the sense of - a feminine strategy of resistance to male appropriation - denial of fixed sexual roles - a telling silence in her work on questions of theology and religion.


2. Context
Before going any further, however, it is necessary to give some sense of a context for Sor Juana's poetry. You can gain a sense of this by watching the film, Yo la peor de todas, made by the feminist Argentine director María Luisa Bemberg (available in the language laboratory; see also the video clip included on this website). This is a fairly accurate dramatization of Octavio Paz's major study Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, o, las trampas de la fe, which remains the fullest account of her life and work to date, and which you should dip into. I can only outline some of the major points here:
Seventeenth-century Mexico, known then as Nueva España, was a highly autocratic society, ruled by viceroys sent from Spain and rotated in practice every seven or eight years.

The arch-bishop held great power, and the Santo Oficio, or Holy Inquisition, was greatly feared (Sor Juana mentions it in a famous letter, saying that she does not wish to get into trouble with it).
The religious climate of Nueva España was much more orthodox than in Spain: Catholicism was a well implanted religion in Spain, but in the Americas it was relatively new.

The colonial state was highly centralized:
the indigenous people were governed by specific laws, and there were special statutes for different ethnic groups -- blacks, mulattoes, indians, mestizos, creoles, and Spaniards
religious orders were governed by specific laws, as were virtually all different social groups
ownership of land was strictly controlled -- much was owned by the Church, while the state was interested in preventing the rise of large, powerful, creole land-owners who might represent a source of antagonism to the rule of Spain.
Mexico City had a population of roughly 100,000, of which 20,000 were Spaniards and creoles, and 80,000 were indigenous, mestizos, and mulattoes.
It was the centre of education, with the University, only open to men, founded in 1551.
It was the seat of the viceregal Court, rivaled in importance only by the court of the Viceroyalty of Perú in Lima.

The Court was the centre of the moral, literary and aesthetic codes and conventions, and it is impossible to understand Sor Juana's poetry without realizing its importance:
Octavio Paz says that, of the three central institutions of the country -- the University, the Church, and the Court -- the Court represented an aesthetic and vital way of life, a "dramatic ballet whose characters were the human passions, from the sensual to the ambitious, dancing to a strict yet elegant geometry" (in Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, o, las trampas de la fe).

One of the major themes of Sor Juana's work is knowledge, and in particular the right of women to have access to learning. In the context of seventeenth-century New Spain, however, knowledge is a dangerous commodity and one that is carefully controlled by the religious hierarchy, rigorously policed by the Holy Inquisition. Scientific knowledge poses a threat to the basis of religious power, as does any interpretation of Scripture that runs counter to the prevailing orthodoxy. In the hands of a woman, any claim to knowledge is triply suspect because access to knowledge of the "Divine Order" (whether scientific or theological) is strictly mediated through a patriarchal hierarchy of men. It is hardly surprising, then, to find that Sor Juana's meditations on knowledge are peppered throughout her work with silence, hermeticism, and contradiction.
The Court, in which Sor Juana spent four years of her adolescence, was the point of contact with Europe and European aristocratic culture; the Church was the controller and censor of knowledge and culture as ideological instruments, and was at times in conflict with the more liberal atmosphere of the Court. Sor Juana's work negotiates a precarious feminine space between these competing institutions. For the culture they controlled was almost entirely a masculine culture. Its writers were men and its readers were men. The doors of the educational institutions were entirely locked for women. This is why it is so extraordinary that the greatest writer to emerge from Nueva España, the first great poet of Spanish America, should have been a woman.


4. Playing with form
To fully understand Sor Juana's work, it is necessary to understand something of the literary concerns of her time, and the way in which she plays with those concerns. Some of the main terms associated with the literature of Sor Juana's time are:
Gongorismo
Culteranismo
The Baroque
Gongorismo is a literary style named after the famous Golden Age Spanish poet Luis de Góngora. Sor Juana very much admired his work, and her great poem "Primero sueño" is in some senses a homage to Góngora's "Soledad primera".
Culteranismo is virtually synonymous with gongorismo: the style involves extreme complexity of imagery and metaphor, with neologisms and archaisms. In many ways it is a feast of language, an excess of the signifier over the signified, and it is one aspect of ...
The Baroque: this term is widely used to describe the music and literature of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and denotes a style in which an exuberance of detail represents a celebration of the signifying material of the work of art, be it wood, stone, paint, word, or sound.
Baroque art is obsessed with form to the extent that form itself can often become the content, the raison d'être, of the work of art
the wealth of detail and decoration become concerns in themselves, appear for their own sake rather than being motivated by the need to get a message across
Baroque poetry does not just employ metaphors of things, but instead metaphors of metaphors, or even metaphors of metaphors of metaphors
poems written in this style, such as those of Góngora and Sor Juana, do not just use tropes, but instead they trope their own troping activity (an ugly phrase, meaning simply that the very activity of using tropes and figures often becomes the subject of the art form, revelling in the excess of signifier over signified)
Baroque poetry delights in the rhythm and sound of words, in their materiality or palpability (the sense that you can almost feel or touch them)
modern theorists have defined this highlighting of the materiality of signs and sounds as one of the most basic aspects of all poetry -- the twentieth-century linguist Roman Jakobson defined poetry in this way when he wrote that "the poetic function promotes the palpability of signs".
It should now be possible to use some of these ideas in our discussion of Sor Juana's poems and their manipulation of literary form.
Poem 61 "Que pinta la proporción hermosa de la Excelentísima Señora condesa de Paredes" provides a very good example of a number of these concerns. The poem has a distinctive formal feature: it is written entirely in lines that commence with esdrújulas. These are words which are stressed on the antepenultimate syllable (three syllables from the end), and they are a relatively rare word form in Spanish (the technical word for them in English is "proparoxytone"). Examples are círculo, pólvora, fórmula, sílaba, but let's look at how Sor Juana uses them (these are the first four stanzas of an eighteen-stanza poem -- do not worry about the complex meaning of the words at this stage, just read it for its sound and let the images wash over you):
61
Pinta la proporción hermosa de la Excelentísima señora condesa de Paredes [. . .]

Lámina sirva el cielo al retrato, Lísida, de su angélica forma: cálamos forme el sol de sus luces; sílabas las estrellas compongan. Cárceles tu madeja fabrica: Dédalo que sutilmente forma vínculos de dorados Ofires, Tíbares de prisiones gustosas. Hécate, no triforme, mas llena, pródiga de candores asoma; trémula no en tu frente se oculta, fúlgida su esplendor desemboza. Círculo dividido en dos arcos, pérsica forman lid belicosa; áspides que por flechas disparan, víboras de halagüeña ponzoña.
[. . .]
The poem was probably written as a tour de force, a piece of verbal pyrotechnics designed to elicit the response "¡Vaya inteligencia!", and indeed it is extremely clever. Apart from the esdrújula form, clearly delighting in the rhythm and sounds of the words for their own sake, the poem sets up, in true Baroque style, a series of more and more elaborate images, similes, and metaphors, to describe the beautiful Lísida (Lysis), whose portrait is supposedly being "painted" by these lines. Many of these images push the bounds of similarity and comparison, threatening to swamp the "portrait" with improbable images. Many of the images are, indeed, comments on the poem's image-making process (its troping activity), and this time let's read with the emphasis on the meaning of the images (look at the translation if you need help):
Lámina sirva el cielo al retrato, Lísida, de su angélica forma: cálamos forme el sol de sus luces; sílabas las estrellas compongan. Cárceles tu madeja fabrica: Dédalo que sutilmente forma vínculos de dorados Ofires, Tíbares de prisiones gustosas. [. . .] Cátedras del abril, tus mejillas, clásicas dan a mayo, estudiosas: métodos a jazmines nevados, fórmula rubicunda a las rosas. Lágrimas del aurora congela, búcaro de fragancias, tu boca: rúbrica con carmines escrita, cláusula de coral y de aljófar.
May Heaven serve as plate for the engraving portraying, Lysis, your angelic figure; may the sun turn its beams into quills, may all the stars compose their syllables. Your skein of locks is as a prison-house, a Cretan labyrinth that twists and curls in webbings of golden Ophirs, in Tibbars of fair prison-cells. [. . .] Your cheeks are April's lecture halls, with classic lessons to impart to May: recipes for making jasmine snowy, formulas for redness in the rose. In your mouth Aurora's chill tears are kept in a many-scented vase; its rubric is written in carmine, its clause penned in coral and pearl.
Translated by Alan Trueblood
Just looking at the vocabulary of the poem, there are many words to do with form, method, style, writing -- some eighteen in all (e.g., retrato, forma, cálamos [=quills], sílabas, compongan, triforme, transforma, fórmula, cláusula, etc.). These suggest that the poem is as much about the act of portraying Lysis as it is about the countess herself.
Perhaps even more interesting than this emphasis on form is the imagery of labyrinths and prisons that runs throughout the poem. Words associated with prison and fixing are: cárceles, dédalo (labyrinth), prisiones, confinantes, congela, aprisiona, Tántalo (Tantalus, imprisoned in Hades), clausura. It is as if the very attempt to fix the image of Lysis in words represented a kind of imprisonment, with the beloved caught both in the labyrinths of poetical language and in the prisonhouse of desire.
While I have looked at this poem in terms of its play with form, issues of gender are also subtly hinted at. Addressing the beloved as Lísida (Lysis) clearly places the poem within the rhetorical conventions of Golden Age love poetry, but those conventions now threaten to become a subtle prison. It is the woman who is trapped within an incarcerating linguistic system, fixed and represented, but somehow lost behind the elaborate symbolic system. Moreover, the lines which absurdly compare the beloved's cheeks with a University Classics lesson are not just rhetorical play: Sor Juana was acutely aware that women were excluded from the lecture halls of the University (she declared in her famous letter that from an early age she had been aware of this as an injustice). To force the comparison between female beauty and the seats of learning from which women were excluded is to create a jarring image which must call into question the conventional assignments of femininity and aesthetics, masculinity and knowledge, as well as call into question the very modes of representation that depend on such a system.
Poem 126 is a simpler, but very intense, version of the ideas presented in the previous poem:
126 En un anillo retrató a la señora condesa de Paredes; dice por qué
Este retrato que ha hecho copiar mi cariño ufano, es sobrescribir la mano lo que tiene dentro el pecho: que, como éste viene estrecho a tan alta perfección, brota fuera la afición; y en el índice la emplea, para que con verdad sea índice del corazón.
Note the ambiguity of the word sobrescribir here: the poem and/or portrait (for the poem claims to be a miniature painting on a ring, of the type that lovers might have sent to each other when separated by long distances) is an over-writing, a writing in excess, which threatens at the same time to overwrite or expunge that which it would express -- her affection and love. The theme of this poem clearly illustrates the baroque idea of excess -- here writing or painting as an excess of the signifier, an overflow which does not 'fit' the body.
You should now be able to do for yourselves similar analyses for poems 127, 102, and 195.

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You Foolish Men


You foolish men who laythe guilt on women,not seeing you're the causeof the very thing you blame;
if you invite their disdainwith measureless desirewhy wish they well behaveif you incite to ill.
You fight their stubbornness,then, weightily,you say it was their lightnesswhen it was your guile.
In all your crazy showsyou act just like a childwho plays the bogeymanof which he's then afraid.
With foolish arroganceyou hope to find a Thaisin her you court, but a Lucretiawhen you've possessed her.
What kind of mind is odderthan his who mistsa mirror and then complainsthat it's not clear.
Their favour and disdainyou hold in equal state,if they mistreat, you complain,you mock if they treat you well.
No woman wins esteem of you:the most modest is ungratefulif she refuses to admit you; yet if she does, she's loose.
You always are so foolish your censure is unfair;one you blame for crueltythe other for being easy.
What must be her temperwho offends when she'sungrateful and wearieswhen compliant?
But with the anger and the griefthat your pleasure tellsgood luck to her who doesn't love youand you go on and complain.
Your lover's moans give wingsto women's liberty:and having made them bad,you want to find them good.
Who has embracedthe greater blame in passion?She who, solicited, falls,or he who, fallen, pleads?
Who is more to blame,though either should do wrong?She who sins for payor he who pays to sin?
Why be outraged at the guiltthat is of your own doing?Have them as you make themor make them what you will.
Leave off your wooing and then, with greater cause,you can blame the passionof her who comes to court?
Patent is your arrogance that fights with many weaponssince in promise and insistenceyou join world, flesh and devil.